Hamas - Frequently Asked Questions
Visto l'andazzo, è il caso di conoscere bene il nuovo protagonista della politica mediorentale (sino ad oggi Hamas è stato protagonista sul campo del terrorismo). Consiglio un'ottima fonte imparziale: il Council on Foreign Relations, l'organizzazione che pubblica Foreign Affairs, ovvero quella che è giudicata in modo più o meno unanime la migliore rivista di politica estera del mondo. Le Faq su Hamas sono disponibili a questo link (nel caso improbabile occorra registrarsi per leggerle, la cosa è gratuita).
Le due domande chiave sono queste:
«What does Hamas believe and what are its goals?
Hamas combines Palestinian nationalism with Islamic fundamentalism. Its founding charter commits the group to the destruction of Israel, the replacement of the PA with an Islamist state on the West Bank and Gaza, and to raise “the banner of Allah over every inch of Palestine.” Its leaders have called suicide attacks the “F-16” of the Palestinian people. Hamas believes “peace talks will do no good,” Rantisi said in April 2004. “We do not believe we can live with the enemy.”
Is Hamas only a terrorist group?
No. In addition to its military wing, the so-called Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigade, Hamas devotes much of its estimated $70-million annual budget to an extensive social services network. It funds schools, orphanages, mosques, healthcare clinics, soup kitchens, and sports leagues. “Approximately 90 percent of its work is in social, welfare, cultural, and educational activities,” writes the Israeli scholar Reuven Paz. The Palestinian Authority often fails to provide such services; Hamas’ efforts in this area—as well as a reputation for honesty, in contrast to the many Fatah officials accused of corruption—explain much of its popularity».
Qui, sempre ad opera del Cfr, c'è l'analisi sulle implicazioni del voto palestinese.
Infine, Foreign Affairs ha messo in rete un'interessante analisi di Michael Herzog su cosa è lecito attendersi ora da Hamas. La sensazione non è confortante: «The momentous experiment of allowing Hamas to enter democratic politics is only beginning, but even at this early point, the short-term dynamics seem bleak enough to undermine the project's long-term prospects. The time for taming Hamas may already have passed».
Le due domande chiave sono queste:
«What does Hamas believe and what are its goals?
Hamas combines Palestinian nationalism with Islamic fundamentalism. Its founding charter commits the group to the destruction of Israel, the replacement of the PA with an Islamist state on the West Bank and Gaza, and to raise “the banner of Allah over every inch of Palestine.” Its leaders have called suicide attacks the “F-16” of the Palestinian people. Hamas believes “peace talks will do no good,” Rantisi said in April 2004. “We do not believe we can live with the enemy.”
Is Hamas only a terrorist group?
No. In addition to its military wing, the so-called Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigade, Hamas devotes much of its estimated $70-million annual budget to an extensive social services network. It funds schools, orphanages, mosques, healthcare clinics, soup kitchens, and sports leagues. “Approximately 90 percent of its work is in social, welfare, cultural, and educational activities,” writes the Israeli scholar Reuven Paz. The Palestinian Authority often fails to provide such services; Hamas’ efforts in this area—as well as a reputation for honesty, in contrast to the many Fatah officials accused of corruption—explain much of its popularity».
Qui, sempre ad opera del Cfr, c'è l'analisi sulle implicazioni del voto palestinese.
Infine, Foreign Affairs ha messo in rete un'interessante analisi di Michael Herzog su cosa è lecito attendersi ora da Hamas. La sensazione non è confortante: «The momentous experiment of allowing Hamas to enter democratic politics is only beginning, but even at this early point, the short-term dynamics seem bleak enough to undermine the project's long-term prospects. The time for taming Hamas may already have passed».
